Қазақша
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The head of state, in an interview with the Egemen Qazaqstan newspaper, spoke about domestic and foreign policy, the socio-economic development of the country, the January events of 2022, domestic violence, the construction of nuclear power plants and other relevant topics.
– Thank you, Kassym-Zhomart Kemelevich, for finding time in your busy schedule for an interview with the Egemen Qazaqstan newspaper. The Kazakh press was waiting for your opinion on issues that concern our society. Therefore, today I would like to talk frankly with you about these topics.
What do you remember about the past year?
– I would like to take this opportunity to once again congratulate all compatriots on the New Year!
The year 2023 turned out to be full of significant events for our country. We have reached the completion of major political reforms. The Constitutional Court began its work. According to the new rules, elections of deputies of the Mazhilis and maslikhats of all levels were held. For the first time, elections of akims of districts and cities of regional significance were held. Elections of heads of villages and cities of regional significance continued, as a result of which about 700 rural akims were elected last year.
We have begun to build a fair and competitive economic system. We dealt with issues of diversification and demonopolization of the economy, updating infrastructure, supporting business and attracting investment.
The pressing issues of the social sphere were consistently resolved. Construction of schools, including “comfortable schools,” has begun throughout the country, and medical facilities are being built in villages. A Social Code has been introduced, aimed at comprehensive support for vulnerable categories of citizens. A special payment has been approved for persons employed in hazardous working conditions. An additional payment has been established for employees of environmental services for risks to life and health. The salaries of medical workers, teachers of schools, colleges, and kindergartens have been increased. A law has been adopted regulating contributions to children from the National Fund. A new methodology for determining the minimum wage has been adopted, taking into account key economic indicators, including the inflation rate.
All this work will be filled with new content in 2024. We will act scrupulously and systematically, steadily moving towards our goals. This year is especially important because it lays the foundation for the next five-year development cycle of the country.
– What expectations do you have for the coming new year? What are the main challenges facing the country?
– In my September Address, I set the task of switching to a new economic model. The strategic goal is to double GDP by 2029. An extended meeting of the Government will be held soon, at which we will sum up the results of socio-economic development and determine tactics for further action in this direction.
The meetings of the National Kurultai have become a useful platform for discussing issues of the ideological sphere, the formation of a new quality of the nation, and updating the value system of society. Traditionally, they were held in the summer, but this year we will most likely hold the meeting in the spring.
Thus, during the first quarter, the country’s main agenda in the economic, socio-political and humanitarian spheres will be formed.
We will continue a constructive and balanced foreign policy, taking into account the national interests of the state. In 2024, our country will host a number of representative summits and forums. Kazakhstan will chair several authoritative international organizations at once: the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, the Organization of Turkic States, the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea, and the Islamic Organization for Food Security.
A big event will be the holding of the World Nomad Games in Kazakhstan. They are important both for the popularization of national sports and a healthy lifestyle, and for the expansion of cultural and humanitarian ties between fraternal peoples - heirs of the nomadic civilization of the Great Steppe.
Honoring outstanding historical figures of our people will be useful from the point of view of strengthening national identity. This year marks the 125th anniversary of the birth of the famous scientist Kanysh Satpayev and the 100th anniversary of the birth of the famous heroes Sagadat Nurmagambetov and Rakhymzhan Koshkarbaev. In addition, according to historians, in 2024 it will be 800 years since the actual formation of the Ulus of Jochi. In connection with such a significant date, showing the centuries-old roots of our statehood, a lot of research work will be launched. This year, the preparation of a multi-volume book on the history of Kazakhstan will be completed. This is a detailed work, on which more than 200 domestic scientists and about 60 attracted foreign specialists are working.
In addition to many important events, there will be even more routine everyday work. How this year will remain in the history of the country depends on the efforts of all citizens. In my New Year's address, I said that next year we will witness a new rise in our nation, but we will all have to work hard to achieve this goal.
– Exactly two years have passed since the tragic January events. Kantar became a milestone that opened a new era in the history of Kazakhstan. In your speeches and interviews, you have already assessed those tragic events. However, questions still remain. There are various interpretations. How can you characterize these events today, after the passage of time? What are their main causes and prerequisites?
– I thought about these questions for a long time and continue to think about them. In my opinion, many years of unresolved socio-economic problems and general stagnation, which turned into degradation of government and society, led to the tragic January events. This was visible, as they say, with the naked eye.
After my election as President in 2019, a course was taken to democratize the political system, liberalize public life, and demonopolize the economy. Social activists, civil activists, and experts actively participated in the development and implementation of reforms. Many initiatives were worked out at various dialogue platforms, including at meetings of the National Council of Public Trust, which I specially created.
I’ll be honest: this new course aroused sharp rejection by influential people, who perceived it as a threat to the deeply rooted state of affairs in the country and their privileged status in power structures. On their part, hidden and often open resistance to reforms gradually grew. In the end, in order to reverse the transformation and restore the previous order, they decided to take extreme measures.
This group of high-ranking officials had enormous influence on the security forces and criminals, so the option of organizing a violent seizure of power was chosen. According to the investigation, preparations began around mid-2021. Then the Government made an ill-considered, unlawful decision to sharply increase prices for liquefied gas, and in the Mangistau region, people incited by provocateurs went out to demonstrate.
The government, on my instructions, created a special commission that went to the region to meet with representatives of the public and make a compromise decision. But the protests acquired an extremist character, which the conspirators took advantage of.
An investigation by the Prosecutor General's Office showed that the development of the January events had a “wave-like” character.
Initially, there were rallies in the Mangystau region, which continued in other regions. Despite all the efforts of the central government and akimats, the situation in the country became destabilizing; negotiations and dialogue to find compromise solutions did not find the support of the organizers of the unrest.
The first clashes began in many regions of the country. All this played into the hands of the conspirators, who, through specially trained people, did their best to escalate the situation. But even in such a difficult situation, law enforcement agencies avoided the use of force. This was the second wave.
The third wave began when criminal gangs got involved, the leaders of which were controlled by the conspirators and had contacts with terrorists, including those who arrived from outside. Using special technologies, provocateurs, and bandits, they turned peaceful protests into mass riots, accompanied by large-scale violence, pogroms, arson, and destruction of property. In the conditions of chaos, armed bandits and terrorists joined in, and simultaneously, with a single command, launched attacks on government buildings, law enforcement agencies, weapons stores, arsenals of law enforcement forces and military units. Moreover, we are talking not only about Almaty, but also about a number of regional centers. Let me remind you that during the January events, more than three thousand weapons were stolen, including machine guns, machine guns and even grenade launchers. In addition, transport infrastructure and telecommunications facilities were attacked. I repeat: bandits and terrorists acted in an organized manner, in close coordination with each other.
Extremists, criminals, and religious radicals jointly participated in the coup attempt. Their goal was to sow fear among citizens, disorganize state institutions, undermine the constitutional order and, ultimately, seize power.
The situation at that time was extremely difficult and tense - the country was close to being mired in chaos. To prevent this, all measures were monitored by me personally, hourly and around the clock. The Ministry of Internal Affairs received information about the preparation of various attacks on Akorda, including using trucks. I was repeatedly recommended to leave the residence, even to evacuate, including abroad, but I strongly disagreed with this and in one of my television addresses I stated that under any circumstances I would remain at my workplace. For two weeks I was at the Akorda official residence. Operational meetings took place late at night and early in the morning. In those days, the most important task was to preserve our state and restore the rule of law and order in the country.
– How correct was the decision to invite Russian military personnel to Kazakhstan? In the neighboring country, there is a lot of talk about its saving role during the unrest in Kazakhstan.
– In conditions of chaos and virtual anarchy in the regions, at a meeting of the Security Council it was decided to appeal to the CSTO to introduce a peacekeeping contingent into our country for the period necessary to ensure stability and security. I emphasize: the appeal was not to Russia, but to the CSTO, of which Kazakhstan is a member.
At the time of the appeal, the chairman of the organization was Armenia, and this year the chairmanship passed to Kazakhstan. The CSTO contingent was truly a peacekeeper and played the role of a deterrent in the orgy that played out in those tragic days. By agreement with the member countries of the organization, its contingent left the country without any preconditions, and ahead of schedule.
The CSTO peacekeeping contingent did not participate in the counter-terrorism operation and did not fire a single shot. The Armenian contingent guarded the city water canal and the Aksai bakery, the Belarusian – the airfield in Zhetygen, the Tajik and Kyrgyz – respectively, CHPP-1 and CHPP-2 of the city of Almaty, the Russian – CHPP-3 and telecommunications facilities. There were threats of terrorist attacks at vital support facilities, so the contingent was sent there. But the most important thing is that it freed up our forces to carry out a counter-terrorist operation.
– It turns out that it was a failed coup attempt. What then do you say to those who claim that this was a popular uprising and almost a revolution?
– The whole world witnessed those tragic events when peaceful demonstrations turned into riots and pogroms. Do people come to peaceful demonstrations with machine guns, pistols and bladed weapons? Do they beat and kill military personnel there, mock them, use them as human shields during attacks on administrative buildings? Are there really looted shops and banks and burned cars left after peaceful demonstrations? I'm not even talking about attacks on government buildings and police stations. The total damage from these outrages amounted to about three billion dollars.
One should not build speculative versions on the causes and consequences of Kantara. I’ll say it straight: discussions about an alleged popular uprising contribute to the justification and whitewashing of criminal acts. Such irresponsible, essentially provocative conversations lead to the glorification of real bandits and the rooting of harmful criminal psychology in society. This means they are calling for new unrest to the detriment of national security and the well-being of the people. This is a very serious threat. Therefore, the state and society must be united in condemning lawlessness - I am sure of this.
– In this case, how can citizens of the country express their critical attitude towards the actions of the authorities?
“We have created all the conditions for publicly expressing disagreement with the actions of the authorities. Citizens can speak openly about existing problems. In accordance with the concept of a “listening state,” I require government agencies to take public opinion into account. We have a democratic law on peaceful assemblies. A law has recently been passed regulating the procedure for filing and considering petitions.
Therefore, it is necessary to understand very clearly: peaceful protests are acceptable, but mass riots are unacceptable and will be harshly suppressed. Law must reign in the country - this is my principled position. Look, in Western countries, the citadels of democracy, they do not stand on ceremony with those who organize street riots and attacks on government buildings.
The police identified the organizers of the January riots - all those who called for resistance to the legitimate demands of the authorities, were involved in the delivery and distribution of weapons, escalated the atmosphere of aggression, and led the crowd during pogroms, arson and acts of violence. At the same time, ordinary and often random riot participants were separated from the bandits. I decided to grant an amnesty to citizens who fell under the influence of provocateurs. The amnesty was applied to 1,095 citizens out of 1,205 previously convicted. And the organizers of the riots and those who received sentences for terrorist attacks, high treason, attempted violent seizure of power and other serious crimes will serve their sentences in full.
– I don’t know how pleasant or unpleasant the next question will be for you, but I can’t help but ask it. After you assumed the post of President in 2019, people in the country began to say that we had a system of dual power. Some compared our political model with the Iranian one, others with the Singaporean one. Indeed, it seemed as if there were two centers of power in the country. Was that so?
– Since you have raised such a pressing question, I must be extremely frank. The President, in accordance with the Constitution, determines the main directions of the country's domestic and foreign policy, appoints and dismisses senior state officials and the high command of the Armed Forces from their posts. The head of state is the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.
However, there were indeed attempts to impose a model of dual power, and, I must say, these attempts were distinguished by their purposefulness and organization. In the current political situation of “transit of power,” political manipulators have formed a kind of parallel center of power. Our country had a President and Supreme Commander-in-Chief, as well as the Chairman of the Security Council represented by the ex-president. This, ultimately, could not but lead to a conflict of power.
I will say more: this situation became one of the prerequisites for the January crisis. Because the conspirators tried to use the invented model of dual power or “tandem” to their advantage. You probably remember the statements of a number of officials, including the former Minister of Justice, that Elbasy’s status is higher than the President. Some officials were running around their offices one by one. They played on this and ended up playing too hard. Later, I directly told Nursultan Abishevich Nazarbayev that the political games, first of all, of his closest associates almost tore the country apart.
I believe that there should be no “senior and junior presidents” at all. "Leaving go". This is a serious lesson for the future generation of leaders, who must beware of such things and always think only about the interests of the state and the well-being of society.
Unfortunately, at the decisive moments of the internal political crisis, the heads of key law enforcement agencies showed their lack of professionalism and even betrayal.
Kantar showed the need to build a stable and effective system of state institutions operating in accordance with the Basic Law. We as a people overcame this crisis, survived and became even stronger. We prevented an even greater catastrophe and stabilized the situation in the country only thanks to the unity of our citizens and the decisive actions of the entire vertical of power. Later, during the investigation, some conspirators admitted that they did not expect to see such a level of consolidation of the people and the political will of the authorities.
– After Kantara, you began to implement deep political reforms, which was recognized even in the West. Can we say that we have passed the point of no return, the critical line that separates us from the recent past? Are there any guarantees today that changes will be irreversible?
– As I said, political reforms began in 2019. The National Council of Public Trust was formed, which developed and implemented important legislative initiatives. Significant changes were made to the legislation on elections, political parties, and Parliament. For the first time, the country started talking openly about the dictatorship of an oligopoly.
These innovations created a threat to those who felt at ease under conditions of political and economic monopoly. So they made an unsuccessful attempt to reverse everything.
After Kantara, fears were expressed that the authorities would, they say, “tighten the screws” and begin to conserve the regime. However, we did the opposite, taking a more difficult but correct path.
In 2022, the process of political modernization, of course, accelerated. And one of the main objectives of the reforms was the formation of a more fair and balanced political system. In addition, it was important to create such conditions to ensure the irreversibility of political reforms and make them a permanent factor in public life.
To this end, several barriers were established as part of the constitutional reform.
Firstly, we have recreated the Constitutional Court, which is, in fact, the highest body of constitutional control, ensuring the supremacy of the Constitution. It may seem to some that the former Constitutional Council simply changed its sign, but here the situation is different. The decisions of the Constitutional Court have final force; even the President cannot revise its decisions, including those relating to the constitutional rights of citizens.
Any changes and additions to the Constitution may be submitted to a republican referendum or for consideration by Parliament only if there is a corresponding conclusion of the Constitutional Court.
And let me remind you that out of the eleven judges of the Constitutional Court, six, that is, the majority, are appointed by the chambers of Parliament. And the Chairman, although appointed by the President, is only with the consent of the Senate.
Secondly, the Constitution itself clearly states the principled positions. For example, Article 91 of the Basic Law states that the independence of the state, the unitarity and territorial integrity of the Republic, the form of its government, the fundamental principles of the activities of the Republic and, I emphasize, the provision on a single seven-year term for the President, established by the Constitution, are unchanged.
Thirdly, as a result of the reforms, the powers of the Mazhilis were significantly expanded, which began to be formed according to a new electoral model - party lists and single-mandate constituencies.
In short, returning to the old system is impossible. Today we can confidently state that political reforms in Kazakhstan are not just systemic, but, what is critically important, irreversible, because the political mentality of the nation has undergone a radical transformation. Legal literacy and citizen activity have become the main guarantor of democratic transformations. The people will no longer allow a rollback and, I am convinced, will firmly defend the changes that have taken place.
“Meanwhile, some critics of the authorities, including in the West, argue that there are still political prisoners in our country. Is it so?
– The main signs of political persecution are censorship, special laws and punitive authorities. Nothing like this exists in modern Kazakhstan. In our legislation there is not a single decree, not a single law, not a single other regulatory document under which citizens could be prosecuted for their political views.
On the contrary, the reforms strengthened the human rights protection system. Legislative amendments have been adopted to strengthen the independence of the courts. The categories of cases for jury trials have been expanded. The institution of the Commissioner for Human Rights, which has received constitutional status, is fully functioning in the country. The consistency and depth of the reforms is shown by the fact that in December last year I signed the second Decree in the field of human rights.
The main task of the authorities is to strictly ensure law and order. Therefore, any violation of the law is punishable. But the political views and ideological preferences of people have nothing to do with law and order.
Individuals, despite warnings from the prosecutor's office, violate the law with strange persistence, apparently in this way trying to gain wide public fame. In other words, they put themselves above the law.
What kind of political persecution can we talk about in a country where there are many independent media outlets and no political censorship?
Moreover, after the adoption of the new law on rallies, when a notification procedure was introduced instead of a permitting one, the number of peaceful rallies in Kazakhstan increased manifold.
In my speeches, I have repeatedly said that all problems must be resolved in a civilized, constructive manner - not with shouts and provocations in the squares, but within the framework of specially created dialogue platforms and mechanisms and, above all, within the walls of Parliament.
Now the widest political palette is represented in Parliament, reflecting the views of all major strata of our society. The institution of parliamentary opposition is legislated.
Let me remind you that following the results of the last elections, six parties entered the Mazhilis, three of which received deputy mandates for the first time. Moreover, one of the parliamentary parties is initially oppositional.
Many foreign politicians and experts, including from Western countries, express support for our democratic reforms, noting their advanced nature. Indeed, in our geopolitical environment, we are the only country that has undergone such a large-scale democratic transformation and made great progress in protecting human rights.
– There is news circulating on social networks that you are planning to hold a referendum on the Constitution and intend to take part in the presidential elections again in 2026. This is true?
- This is misinformation. I am convinced that arbitrary amendments to the Constitution, especially on such a fundamental issue, are no longer possible. The constitutional reform was not carried out in order to introduce arbitrary changes to the Basic Law.
The provision for a one-time presidential term in the Constitution is unchanged. This norm is as unshakable as the norms on independence, unitarity, territorial integrity and the form of government of our state.
Since we touched on this topic, I’ll take this opportunity to reveal some details. I expressed the idea of a single seven-year term in closed discussions 15 years ago. Then this proposal was not supported. After being elected President, I weighed all the pros and cons and thought a lot about how this idea could be put into practice.
In 2022, several important constitutional changes were implemented aimed at eliminating super-presidential powers. And then I proposed the idea of a single seven-year term. This initiative received nationwide support. That says it all.
- Let's move on to economics. In the 2023 Address, you proclaimed a new economic course for a Fair Kazakhstan and set a goal of doubling the size of the national economy by 2029, bringing it to $450 billion. Meanwhile, according to forecasts of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, in 2023-2024 economic growth in Kazakhstan will be no more than 3-4%. How realistic is it to achieve the set goal with such dynamics?
– This is a completely achievable goal. According to analysts of the International Monetary Fund, by the end of 2023, the volume of GDP in current prices in Kazakhstan should be over $259 billion, which is 15% more than in 2022. This is the most significant nominal growth in Central Asia.
Positive dynamics are also noted in GDP per capita, the forecast figure for 2023 was almost 13 thousand dollars, annual growth is estimated at 1.6 thousand dollars. According to the IMF forecast, by 2028 this figure will increase by a third – to 16.8 thousand dollars.
True, I must note that for me macroeconomic indicators are not of paramount importance; nevertheless, the main thing is the real well-being of citizens.
Favorable forecasts will become a reality provided that the Government uses new approaches to economic management. I see two main directions.
The first is the solution of a number of targeted tasks that can stimulate country development. These include the implementation of large industrial projects. In the September Address, the Government was instructed to determine a list of possible large projects and prepare an Infrastructure Development Plan. These projects are being studied, consultations are held with large businesses, institutional investors and the expert community.
It is also necessary to solve the important problem of attracting investment, including through privatization and return of assets. Large-scale investments can accelerate the economy and create new growth points. Therefore, by my Decree, an Investment Headquarters has recently been created, endowed with broad powers to improve the investment climate and the high-quality implementation of investment projects.
The second direction includes measures to implement systemic reforms that will consolidate new “rules of the game” for the entire economy.
The government, on my instructions, is developing a new Tax Code designed to restart the relationship between the state and business. When improving the tax system, it is very important to move away from a purely fiscal approach. A balance is needed between creating comfortable conditions for investors and maintaining the required level of budget revenue.
The new Budget Code is of great importance. We must radically change our attitude towards budget money, placing rationality, thrift, and the relevance of its use at the forefront.
New laws on public procurement and public-private partnerships have a significant role to play here. These documents will ensure transparency of government procurement and create a financial basis for economic development.
Particular attention should be paid to improving the efficiency of the quasi-public sector. Measures for its modernization have already been determined, and their practical implementation is now underway.
In answer to your question, I would also like to note that the economic situation in the world certainly affects our country. But any difficulties always open up new opportunities. The government must have a detailed action plan taking into account all possible scenarios. It is important that all measures to stimulate economic growth are accompanied by structural reforms aimed at developing entrepreneurship and competition, protecting private property, and ensuring fair justice. With this approach, we will achieve all our goals, including doubling the volume of the national economy within the planned time frame.